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Archive for the ‘Natural Disasters’ Category

Moral hazard is the most underrated driver of natural disasters. We know that it exists almost in every policy instrument or private strategy for managing the risk of natural disasters. For more than three decades, the literature has acknowledged and discussed extensively about the different types of moral hazard like the politician and the Samaritan dilemmas, and the market failure associated with traditional insurance. However, there is little progress achieved in this area. In short, the relationship between moral hazard and disasters may be taken from a couple of examples:

  1. Suppose that your house is located in a seismic area, you are aware of it AND have some idea that should an earthquake occur, it would likely damage or destroy, your house. The economic theory tells us that, since you are a rational individual (irrational does not mean–necessarily–that your make stupid decisions, rather that the theory is limited enough to understand your behavior), your risk aversion would have you opting into a strategy to protect your asset. For example, you buy insurance. (Note: one variable to which I am not paying strong consideration is your level of risk perception, or something that we can call “belief”. You may believe that the probability an earthquake hits the area and damages your house is nil and, then, investing in risk management is not worth it. That is a different story that I will be discussing about in another post).
    • OK. An earthquake occurs, you file a claim and the insurance company pays you enough money to rebuild. So far so good. The paid premium was insignificant compared with the amount of money you had to come up with with no insurance. However, life is not perfect, there is envy in this world and you became aware that the government disaster-fund is paying to those uninsured. (more…)

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La evaluación experimental del impacto de desastres naturales en el desarrollo económico de una región o país es un proyecto en construcción, sin embargo, uno no puede pasar por alto dicho impacto en la planificación del desarrollo de un país altamente expuesto a estos fenómenos. Tal es el caso de México, uno de los 10 países con mayor ocurrencia de desastres naturales en los pasados 100 años de acuerdo a la Base de Datos de Desastres de Emergencia Internacional (2008). Por ejemplo, durante las últimas tres décadas, México ha tenido una tasa de muertes asociadas a desastres naturales por millón de habitantes más alta que toda Oceanía y equivalente a 40% de la del continente asiático (sí, incluyendo a China, Japón, India y todos los tipos de desastres, e.g., el tsunami del 2004 y los sismos japoneses).

En general, los eventos que afectan a la vez a una comunidad o región, llamados sistémicos o covariados, representan un gran reto para muchos países en desarrollo. El Programa para las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo reporta que desde los 1950´s ha habido un promedio de 184 muertes POR DÍA asociadas con desastres naturales, casi tres cuartas partes de los mismos ocurrieron en países con niveles de desarrollo bajo o medio (de acuerdo al Índice de Desarrollo Humano); y más de la mitad, en países con nivel bajo. ¿Qué está haciendo México en este ámbito? Léalo por la mañana en Latinoamérica… puede.

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Nada podía ser más efectivo para motivar a miles de personas a salir a las desoladas calles de la Ciudad de México que la posibilidad de un desastre por un evento natural. Y hoy ocurrió uno poco antes del mediodía en la forma de un sismo de 5.7 grados (Richter).solis

De relativa poca magnitud para un país que tiene el primer lugar en ocurrencia de sismos (27) de o más de 7.5 grados en la misma escala entre 1900 y 2008, pero con suficiente fuerza para alertar a una población que a penas se encuentra masticando la irrupción epidémica de la llamada variante de la influenza porcina que provee a Norteamérica de evidencia de que las pandemias son ciertas y no una película de ficción o el nombre de una ONG en África.

Los más importante: estos dos eventos ponen en tela de juicio la capacidad de nuestras sociedades para enfrentar la ocurrencia de eventos de riesgo (naturales). La historia dice que la capacidad para enfrentar y recuperarnos de la ocurrencia de eventos aislados sistémicos se encuentra en continuo proceso de construcción. Ni mencionar la prevención, que en el caso de eventos naturales de poca ocurrencia, pero de alta magnitud, los costos y falta de metodologías la hacen imposible. Ahora, ¿qué pasa cuando dos o más eventos sistémicos ocurren a la vez? Recordemos San Salvador, Tegucigalpa (y en realidad casi cualquier país en  Centroamérica cuenta con alguna región o comunidad que ha sido afectada por dos o más eventos) o la Isla de  Honshu en Japón e incontables casos en África (que en este y otros muchos temas es el perro más flaco al que se le suben todas las pulgas).

Si uno echa un vistazo a la Base de Datos de Desastres de Emergencia Internacional, se puede concluir que las observaciones de eventos sistémicos naturales se ha incrementado a lo largo de los pasados 40 años [1]. (more…)

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I firmly believe that catastrophes generated by natural hazards, such as earthquakes and hurricanes, are a product of the interaction between people decisions and the ecosystem. Thus, understanding a natural catastrophe implies analyzing historic processes of human settlements’ evolution and environmental modification. For example, the construction and sprawl of Mexico City over a drained lakebed is a necessary element in understanding its vulnerability to seismic activity.  The Global Warming Euphoria brought the thesis than the likelihood of natural systemic hazards is fueled by manmade events. Yet the  empirical evidence to confirm it is rare. For instance, Columbia University’s researchers suggest that the Sichuan Province’s earthquake it may have been triggered by the weight of 320 million tons of water in the Zipingpu Dam. Here’s the story published in the NYT’s International Herald Tribune:

Nearly nine months after a devastating earthquake in Sichuan Province left 80,000 people dead or missing, a growing number of U.S. and Chinese scientists are suggesting that the calamity was triggered by a four-year-old reservoir built close to the fault line at the center of the earthquake.

A Columbia University scientist who studied the quake has said that it may have been triggered by the weight of 320 million tons of water in the Zipingpu Reservoir less than a mile from a well-known major fault. His conclusions, presented to the American Geophysical Union in December, coincide with a new finding by Chinese geophysicists that the dam caused significant seismic changes before the earthquake.

Scientists emphasize that the link between the dam and the failure of the fault has not been conclusively proved, and that even if the dam acted as a trigger, it would only have hastened a quake that would have occurred at some point.

Nonetheless, any suggestion that a government project played a role in one of the biggest natural disasters in recent Chinese history is politically explosive.

The issue of government accountability and responsiveness has boiled over in China in the past year. The grieving parents of thousands of schoolchildren killed in the disaster have already made the 7.9-magnitude earthquake a political issue, charging that children died needlessly in unsafe school buildings approved by negligent or corrupt officials. More public anger erupted last year when the government failed to prevent the sale of tainted milk powder that sickened nearly 300,000 children and killed six.

If it is proved that the earthquake “was related to a man-made situation and not just a natural disaster, the government will be very uncomfortable with that kind of report because of the whole issue of government accountability,” Li said.

(more…)

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Have you ever thought why catastrophes caused by natural events are more destructive in developing countries? An example? See the table below that compares the human impact (i.e., people killed or requiring immediate assistance during a period of emergency, that is requiring basic survival needs such as food, water, shelter, sanitation and immediate medical assistance) of natural disasters between the 10 richest and 10 poorest countries.

Source: the International Emergency Disasters Database (2004)

Another one: deaths associated to natural disasters and development status.

Sources: The UNDP (2004) with data from the International Emergency Disasters Database

It seems like an unfair situation and, yet, an expected outcome (a vicious cycle?). Specially, if we agree that risk to natural disaster is a function of vulnerability (determined by socioeconomic and demographic factors, and the environmental context) and hazards’ frequency, duration and magnitude, then we’ll understand better the differences in impact of natural disasters between poor and rich countries. (more…)

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According to the International Emergency Disasters Database and the International Strategy for Disaster Reduction , the frequency, duration and magnitude of natural hazards have increased over the last 40 years. For example, the UNDP (2004) reports that annual economic losses associated with natural disasters averaged 75.5 USD billion in the 1960s, 138.4 USD billion in the 1970, 213.9 USD billion in the 1980s and 659.9 USD billion in the 1990s. In particular, countries of low and medium development status are particularly vulnerable. They account for 85 percent of the people vulnerable to cyclones, droughts, floods, and earthquakes; between 1980 and 2000, an average of 184 deaths per day related to natural hazards was recorded, 53 percent of them occurred in countries with low-development level (UNDP 2004). In terms of post-disaster recovery, economic losses due to natural disasters are 20 times greater (as a percent of GDP) in developing countries than in developed countries (CRED 2008).

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Whether a hazard becomes a disaster or not depends ultimately on people’s vulnerability (Cutter 2006), that is, their ability to prevent, mitigate, cope with, and recover from the impact of a disruptive event.

The determinants of vulnerability include people’s demographic, social and economic characteristics, and their relationship with the natural and manmade environment.

Risk is a product of the interaction between human decisions and ecosystem. Understanding risk entails analyzing historic processes of human evolution and environmental change (Holzmann 2000). It entails, for example, identifying how the construction of Mexico City over a drained lakebed resulted in an urban center highly vulnerable to seismic risk. Alternatively, how inefficient decisions in terms of land use puts up informal settlements on steep hills that led to deforestation with the consequent increase of the impact of hurricanes, such as Mitch in Central America; or high-end residences built at the skirts of mountains in California that become highly vulnerable to forest wildfires (Smith, There’s No Such Thing as a Natural Disaster 2006). Lastly, it entails understanding how migration combined with lack of planning burden the infrastructure and capacity to respond of fast-growing cities, like Mumbai and Lagos, and create belts of poverty in the form of slums vulnerable to a mounting number of individual and covariant risks (Hoppe 2006).

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